Android is a most popular mobile-based operating system with billions of active users, which has encouraged hackers and cyber-criminals to push the malware into this operating system. Accordingly, extensive research has been conducted on malware analysis and detection for Android in recent years; and Android has developed and implemented numerous security controls to deal with the problems, including unique ID (UID) for each application, system permissions, and its distribution platform Google Play. In this paper, we evaluate four tree-based machine learning algorithms for detecting Android malware in conjunction with a substring-based feature selection method for the classifiers. In the experiments 11,120 apps of the DREBIN dataset were used where 5,560 contain malware samples and the rest are benign. It is found that the Random Forest classifier outperforms the best previously reported result (around 94% accuracy, obtained by SVM) with 97.24% accuracy, and thus provides a strong basis for building effective tools for Android malware detection.

Even when Mohammad Reza Shah became an autocrat by the early 1960s, systemic constraints on his power persisted. One was government officials. They certainly accepted the shah's governmental centrality. But in parallel they inventively created more elbowroom for themselves than they are normally credited for, shaping everyday administration and co-shaping policies. The article substantiates this argument in two steps. First, it looks at Iran's Sazman-e bimeh-ha-ye ejtemaMODIFIER LETTER LEFT HALF RINGi-ye kargaran (Workers Social Insurance Organization [SBIK]), drawing principally on French-language International Labor Organization (ILO) archival files. Although the shah had a well-publicized stake in social insurance expansion, the SBIK influenced policy strategy, sometimes against his explicit wishes; also, it handled routine operations and relations with the ILO independently from him. Second, the article zooms out to analyze Persian-language Harvard University Iranian Oral History Project interviews with high-ranking officials, alongside other published and unpublished sources, to show how government officials maintained some autonomy vis-a-vis the shah. Their strategies included self-effacement, the agreement on a unified cabinet policy position before a royal audience, resignation threats, open pushback, and gifts, including favors, to third parties.

Ousted as Premier, Jammu and Kashmir, in August 1953 and anointed as Chief Minister in February 1975, the so-called 'Lion of Kashmir' Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was imprisoned, in between these years, ultimately on charges of treason, with brief intermissions. Much has been written about the politics of Kashmir dispute, less so about the Sheikh and his personal troubles especially after the death of his friend Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1964. This somewhat overshadowed decade of his life, in comparison with his hey-days of 1947-1953, shows the kind of settlement in Kashmir that the government of Indira Gandhi was willing to consider. More interestingly, it shows how Sheikh Abdullah was willing to agree to it and provides the context in which he moved from being in a conflictual relationship with New Delhi to becoming, once again, a collaborator in Srinagar in 1975, thereby showcasing the limits of Abdullah's politics and popularity.